In the last decade you’ve moved from being a British foreign service officer to a member of Occupy Wall Street’s general assembly. What are the causes of this metamorphosis?
It's a long story that's told in my book but it started with what I saw in my own [foreign service] work on Iraq – that government was capable of misleading its own population to an extraordinary extent. I found that a profoundly disillusioning experience. It was a shock. There was another emotional component to it: One of my colleagues whom I worked very closely with on the issue of Iraq and WMD [weapons of mass destruction], a British weapons scientist [David Kelly], was driven to commit suicide after he was named as a journalist’s source for the fact that the Number 10 dossier on WMD had been exaggerated.
Up until then I was more or less happy being a British diplomat. But that triggered a process of exploration about what was wrong with government – not so much why people lie but why people take bad decisions. Without getting too complicated, my exploration of theories of knowledge led me to the belief that government basically cannot understand the complexity of the world. A much more devolved system of power is therefore necessary to cope with a complex world.
Newspaper front pages offer plenty of evidence that traditional methods of governance are fraying. What’s your evidence?
There are two very contemporary examples. Everybody but a few mad people recognises that climate change is a great threat to humanity’s future, but the governmental process to address it has totally failed. They're meeting right now in Durban and nobody expects that meeting to come up with an agreement on eliminating carbon emissions. So it's quite clear that government is in this case not capable of producing a solution.
The same problem is very clear in what's going on financially with the tremendous economic volatility we're experiencing. National governments and international bodies that were supposed to arbitrate these problems are not proving effective. The G20 met to discuss the eurozone crisis. It did not produce a meaningful decision to deal with it. It's becoming clear to people that we're confronting very new problems that are a function of globalisation, and that the old methods of dealing with them – looking to national governments and international bodies like the UN or the G20 – are inadequate. It’s a dramatic and scary thing but it leads to some very clear conclusions.
It led you to advocate for a “leaderless revolution”, which is the title of your new book. Please tell me about it.
The book is about my own journey to the conclusion that self-organised systems are best for the 21st century, but it's also a call to arms and a suggestion of principles that people might follow. It proposes a method of politics rather than any particular ends. That method is: Do stuff for yourself rather than asking a government or others to do it; address political concerns directly to those in power; use nonviolent methods and always act as if the means are the end; and embody the political principles you're trying to promote. The book proposes guidelines but it also gives examples of how this might happen in practice. So I hope that it might be seen both as an analysis of what's going on in the 21st century and a handbook for how to go about addressing it the most effectively.
You’ve cited five books that lay the foundation for just such a leaderless revolution. Let’s begin with America’s most revered revolutionary tract, Common Sense by Thomas Paine. Why should we still read this pamphlet from 1776?
It's an extraordinary and brave book, written by a man who was born in England and adopted America as his homeland, so I relate to him in that way. It's just an incredibly clear account of what was wrong with British colonialism and why Americans should throw it off. It's a brilliant political argument and a model of inspiring political writing – eloquent but also concise. It's about freedom. It's about how to throw off the shackles of repression.
How does this relate to leaderless revolution?
Paine saw a particular circumstance at that time and he felt that people were not articulating clearly what the real problem was and what the solution was – that they were just dancing around the problem. To an extent that's how I feel. We're talking about manifestations of the problem without getting to the fundamentals. He cuts to the chase and that was an inspiration.
But Paine argues strongly for a democratically elected government, right?
To an extent he does. He talks about the design of Congress and it's an ideal system that he describes. But I think Thomas Paine would be pretty horrified by what he might see today that passes for democratic government.
Let’s move onto Oxford philosopher Isaiah Berlin’s The Proper Study of Mankind.
I started reading him in my twenties when I lived in Germany, in a very boring little town called Bonn. The British embassy used to be there when it was Germany's capital, and so you could devote a lot of time to reading things like Isaiah Berlin. His writing is just extraordinary.
He didn't really write books, he wrote essays. There are two particular essays – “The Hedgehog and the Fox” and “Two Concepts of Liberty” – which were really formative in developing my political thought. “The Hedgehog and the Fox” in particular was very interesting to me because of its analysis of political thought in Tolstoy. I ultimately came to a conclusion (this will sound very arrogant indeed) that Berlin missed the big picture of Tolstoy's writing, which is that Tolstoy believed, and this is evident in War and Peace, that it's not great men or governments who make history but the actions of ordinary people. One begins to understand that Tolstoy was in fact an anarchist, that this is what Tolstoy believed in. He believed in the theory of ordinary people making history. “The Fox and the Hedgehog” is not about that, it's about other, more mystical aspects of Tolstoy's thought, but it is nonetheless a sublimely good piece of writing, as is “Two Concepts of Liberty”.
Carne Ross is a former British diplomat. He joined the British foreign service in 1989, and served as the UK delegation’s expert on the Middle East at the UN. In 2004, he gave evidence condemning the intelligence grounds for the Iraq war and resigned. Ross is founder and director of a diplomatic advisory NGO Independent Diplomat. His newest book, The Leaderless Revolution, explores alternative systems of organising world affairs, in particular anarchism. He is also currently on Occupy Wall Street’s general assembly